6. The Impact of the WSI on the Forming of the Public Opinion

The WSI influenced the mass media through the recruitment of journalists and members of management of television stations, owing to which they could have indirect impact on the publishing policy and program line of the publications or broadcasters.
At the beginning of the 90-ties, the operational activities were conducted both in public and in private media, leading to the achievement of such a position by the WSI where they could control all TV stations and most nationwide press. The WSI’s operations in public media were conducted, among others, by the informers of those services or by the so-called Under Cover Officers (OPP).
The example of an OPP is Janusz Brodniewicz aka “BURSKI” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] or “GRZEGORZ” [cryptic name for secret collaborator]. The headquarters strictly steered the activities of “BURSKI”. This is proved by the notes about indicating appropriate business associations or foundations which that officer’s company should join (e.g. Fundacja Kultury /Culture Foundation/, Dom Polski /’Polish House’/, TVP /Public TV/, TV ‘POLSAT’).
In 1994, “BURSKI” was put in TVP, at the position of deputy director in the then organized Prasowa Agencja Telewizyjna (Television Press Agency – PAT) where he formally was in charge of verification of TVP’s contracts with its partners, drafting of such contracts etc. “BURSKI” aimed at gaining influence over TVP and in 1994 he proposed the WSI HQ a project related to the control of information flow. The project was about using the so-called dissemination stations to transfer information gathered by all regional TV stations in Poland. The WSI planned to have early access to that information and intended to gather it through the then existing TVP Defense Office. The use of that information transfer system by the WSI was supposed to involve benefits for the services, inter alia by way of:
- generation of additional funds for HQ from the distribution of equipment to receiving machines,
- transfer of data and open and coded information in Poland and abroad to the HQ and archiving such data and information,
- possibility to control all recipients and information sent by them (network repair service provided by a company or institutions where the HQ have or could put its representatives and technicians).
Furthermore, “the production of decoders and network repair service by a business entity dependent on WSI but not related to MOD. Such solution would allow to transfer profits to the HQ with the omission of MOD”.. This was because the legal regulations then in force provided that the finds obtained on the external market had to be transferred to the state budget.
The main purpose of this undertaking was to consist in the possibility to control the information flow of all regional TV stations in Poland and generate additional funds for the WSI. It seems justified to advance a thesis that the efforts of “BURSKI” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] constituted a part of operation aimed at control not only over the journalists’ circles or media environment. All plans and actions of “BURSKI” were every time analyzed and approved by his superiors before implementation.
“BURSKI” was also involved in establishing and taking over the institutions and companies that dealt with information flow and processing. His most spectacular action was the take-over of the culture and information centers of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the intelligence. As early as in December 1991, “BURSKI”, through the support of his acquaintance, then Deputy Minister of Culture Maciej J. Ramus, became the office director of Fundacja Kultury. In 1993, “BURSKI” also became the member of the Executive Board of that Foundation. The “Fundacja Kultury” was established at the end of 1990 and had “a license within the EEC quota to conduct business and commercial activities with the partners in the USSR”.. This was probably what made it so interesting for the intelligence, which decided to take over the Foundation. The decision to attempt the take-over of the foundation (after examination of the report by “BURSKI”) was made by the then chiefs of ‘Units Y’ and ‘A’, Col. Konstanty Malejczyk and Col. Zdzisław Żyłowski. Shortly after that, the organizational and legal transformation within the Foundation, suggested by “BURSKI”, gave the military intelligence a decisive influence on the directions of expansion of the foundation.
The intelligentsia took over the Foundation’s management and used it to appropriate, organizationally and financially – the Culture and Information Centers Abroad. This was made through establishment (by the Foundation and a state financial enterprises) of the company “Dom Polski”. This company was given, by Minister [for Foreign Affairs] Krzysztof Skubiszewski, the Information and Culture Centers, where the existing materials show that the take-over most certainly applied to the centers in Berlin, Minsk, Prague, Vienna and Düsseldorf (in the latter case, real property was also obtained, formerly owned by “Ars Polona”).
The company “Dom Polski – Towarzystwo Handlu Międzynarodowego” ('Polish House - Intl. Commerce Co.] was set up on October 23, 1992, at the initiative of “BURSKI” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] and an experienced collaborator of the WSI known as “SAS”. The project was prepared in close cooperation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (the activities were supported inter alia by minister Skubiszewski, who supposedly pressed for quick completion of this matter, Director General in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Tomasz Drzewosowski and Undersecretary of State in the Ministry of Culture and Art Piotr Łukasiewicz). The foundation deed was signed by the representatives of National Chamber of Commerce (KIG) (in agreement with minister Andrzej Arendarski and at his knowledge) and Business Foundation, among them Izabela Cywińska, Bogdan Chojna, Andrzej Sadkowski and Andrzej Voigt.
The objective of the company was “to generate funds for the promotion of the Polish culture abroad and to conduct business, commercial and promotional activities with regard to all things Polish (using the mark and emblem “Teraz Polska” [‘Poland, now!’])”. However, the most important thing was the take one word over of the Institutes and Centers of Polish Culture abroad and “exit to the East and making profits on the transit business between Germany and the former USSR countries”.
The company documents were made so that the foundation of the Executive Board had direct impact (through the president of the company) on the company’s staff selection and its directions of operation. Owing to the efforts of “BURSKI” [cryptic name for secret collaborator], the president of the company was the aforementioned collaborator of the WSI, “SAS”. “BURSKI” conducted talks in this matter in the Ministry of Culture and Art (with the Minister Professor Andrzej Siciński) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as with the aforesaid Executive Board of the Foundation which had a decisive impact on the appointment of the president of the new company. In his report to the HQ, “BURSKI” proudly stated that “the competencies of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were limited to the right to supervise that part of the institutes which had diplomatic status, by way of appointment of directors (on the existing terms). Those directors, however, did not have any impact on the company’s operation in the commercial part of the institutes”.
Attention should be paid to the participation of “Ars Polona” in this enterprise; the company transferred, free of charge, the real property in Düsseldorf to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, though in theory it had no legal title to that property (it housed the Institute of Polish Culture). The go-between was the liquidator of RSW Prasa [Press holding from the Communist times] and consent was given by the Ministry of Culture and Art, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs also transferred, the property to Fundacja Kultury free of charge, which in turn transferred it to “Dom Polski”. The Center, probably already used by the intelligence before, returned to the services, this time with the legal title of ownership. The talks with “Ars Polona” on behalf of the Foundation were conducted by “SAS”.
This way, the WSI gained a network of companies all over the world and focused on organizing their own economic structure at the expense of the Polish State, instead of the information acquisition. These activities were accepted by Col. Konstanty Malejczyk, Col. Zdzisław Żyłowski and Ryszard Sosnowski (on June 30, 1992, Col. K. Malejczyk personally decided to put “SAS” at the head of “Dom Polski”).
In 1993, at the initiative of “BURSKI” [cryptic name for secret collaborator], Fundacja Kultury started talks with the central authorities of the Republic of Poland in order to organize the Central Information Bank (CBI). The WSI wanted to use that bank and its data for information and operational work. CBI was to be established in the framework of then prepared “Centrum Informacji i Kierowania” [‘Center for Information & Management’] (“at the witting or unwitting consent of the BBN”, as the intelligence stated). The Bank was to improve the information transfer, co-ordination of activities between the authorities, control of border traffic and the work of business intelligence. The staff employed in the CBI were to have direct access to the gathered data and decide to a certain extent about the scope of information to be sent to the addressees. Burski believed that the Ministry of Interior (MSW) would fill the posts in CBI with “their” people and therefore suggested the HQ to become involved in the project through MOD. Also Marian Zacharski as the vice-president of “InterArms”, IBM distributor for Eastern Europe, participated in the MSW work on computerization and improvement of information flow. All works were to be co-ordinated by BBN in the framework of then developed “Krajowe Centrum Informacji i Kierowania” (‘National Center for Information and Management). It should be noted that, next to BBN, Ministry of Finance (MF), Fiscal Control Office (UKS), MSW, Main Statistical Office (GUS), CUS and Telekomunikacja Polska, a not very well know Swiss company PDT was also engaged in this enterprise. The consent for these activities was given by Col. Konstanty Malejczyk.
Another initiative of “BURSKI” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] were the efforts to establish a company that would deal in business intelligence. “BURSKI” wrote about that possible company: “properly guided with regard to the organization, it would allow to transfer selected operational HQ units under cover”.
During the work of the Verification Commission, many cases were also revealed where the WSI soldiers exerted influence on the journalists’ circles. The WSI officers undertook covert actions against the journalists, with the basic goal being the creation of a specific image of a given event or phenomenon. This usually happened when the WSI interests or WSI-related matters were involved. The method usually applied in the kind of actions where the WSI officers talked to the journalists who were given specific information or the information materials prepared by the WSI officers were passed to the journalists, usually with inter-mediation of third parties.
An example of such covert actions of the WSI in the media was a set of articles by the services’ collaborators known as “SKRYBA” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] and “DROMADER” [cryptic name for secret collaborator]. In the articles published in military press, they engaged in the promotion of Patria Vehicles Oy’s offer for the wheeled APCs. When writing his article, “SKRYBA” emphasized only the positive results of the APCs tests, he did not take into account the technical defects of the equipment, and he further strongly stressed that the conducted trials of the APCs were positive. He stated even that: “So far, everything is on the schedule”.
The case officer gave “SKRYBA” the task of obtaining the image documentation and information about AMV [‘Armored Military Vehicle’] ‘PATRIA’. Meanwhile, “SKRYBA”, during a meeting with the case officer, criticized a female journalist who published in the military press (and also was a WSI collaborator, only she was known [in WSI] as “SARIS” [cryptic name for secret collaborator]). In his opinion that female journalist showed “a complete lack of even rudimentary knowledge in the field of military sciences and the presented equipment. When snacks were offered, she caused a commotion strongly criticizing one of the guests, for, in her opinion, improper behavior.” In the assessment of “SKRYBA”, the conduct of the person criticized by “SARIS” gave no grounds to such reaction.
Meanwhile, “DROMADER” published an article praising the contracts made with Patria Vehicles Oy. He stated that the contract saved “Wojskowe Zakłady” (Military Plant) in Siemianowice. He minimized the tender problems. “In accordance with the tender structure, the issues of conformity with tactical and technical assumptions (about 100 parameters) were treated marginally”.. He also wrote, only in superlatives, about the selected vehicle. “As the representative of Patria Vehicles emphasize, AMV was the only vehicles among those offered to Poland where the need to reduce the thermal, electromagnetic and acoustic image, which has serious importance for its survival on the future battlefield, was taken into account as early as at the planning stage”.. Meanwhile, reliable information existed already that AMV “PATRIA” did not meet a number of parameters (e.g. weight with load, range and water speed). In the experts’ opinion, the vehicle was a prototype, which was not in regular production, or in the equipment of any army.
Another type of this type of covert actions were the actions taken by Maj. Mieczysław Tryliński with respect to the so-called “alcohol war” which involved, among others, the WSI. In August 1998, Maj. Tryliński held a meeting inter alia with journalists Piotr Najsztub and Maciej Gorzeliński, to who he gave strictly directed information about the investors’ operations on the Polish alcohol market, as a result of which these two journalists published an article “Belvedere wojna” [‘Belvedere War’; ‘Belvedere = brand of vodka] in the Internet. The article by Michał Matys “Czyja wódka” [‘Whose vodka?’] (in “Gazeta Wyborcza”) and the article by Henryk Schulz “Wódka Marsyliankę śpiewa” [‘Vodka sings “Marseilles”’ /French Anthem/] (in “Nie” [weekly owned by former Communist high-ranking official Jerzy Urban]) were inspired by Maj. Tryliński. The purpose of those actions was to support the French company EURO-AGRO, which wanted to invest on the Polish alcohol market and belonged to K. Tryliński, Maj. Tryliński’s brother.
The WSI files show that there were many secret collaborators in the media circles whose services have been used by the WSI. Among those who are known the best were: Krzysztof Mroziewicz aka “SENGI” [cryptic name for secret collaborator, etc.] (journalist of PAP, “Polityka” [prominent (post-)Communist weekly] and TVP); Maciej Górski aka “GUSTAW” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] (vice-president of PAI S.A.); Andrzej Nierychło aka “SĄSIAD” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] (journalist of “Kurier Polski” and editor-in-chief of “Przegląd Tygodniowy” [Communist weekly]); Jerzy Tepli aka “EUREKO” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] (journalist and correspondent of “Polsat” in Germany); Piotr Nurowski aka “TUR” (vice-president of “Polsat”; the WSI officers counted that Nurowski would help them to establish cooperation with “Polsat” owner Zygmunt Solorz); Rafał Steffen aka “JERICHO” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] (president of PAI S.A.); Milan Subotić aka “MILAN” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] (journalist of TVP, later Program Vice director in TVN; the officer who investigated and recruited M. Subotić to collaborate with the WSI, served as an attaché in Korea where he had cordial relations with a staff officer of GRU, Col. Sergey Kozyrev, and in 1982-83 was trained in Moscow); A. Bilik, aka “GORDON” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] (editor-in-chief of ‘Dziennik Telewizyjny’ [main news program] of TVP [Public TV]).
The archive resources of the WSI contain a personal file pertaining to cooperation of Andrzej Madera aka “CHARON” [cryptic name for secret collaborator], a journalist of “Nowiny” daily in Rzeszów and “Ład” weekly in Warsaw, with the Intelligence Directorate of the WSI in 1994-2000. Andrzej Madera was recruited for cooperation with The Intelligence Directorate of the WSI in 1994 in Rzeszów, by Cpt. Leszek Piotr. “CHARON” was mostly given tasks concerning the selection of candidates for collaboration with the WSI. The cooperation with “CHARON” was formally terminated in September 1999, due to his “engagement in political activities within the structures of one of the right-wing parties, gathered around the former President of the Republic of Poland” and “loss of intelligence opportunities”.. There is no information in the materials that the termination of cooperation has ever been formally notified to this collaborator.
Through well-placed HUMINT sources, the WSI had a current review of staff in media and interesting political contacts. The WSI tried to recruit such people from the media who guaranteed the control over journalists’ circles for cooperation. Also Gen. Konstanty Malejczyk was personally engaged in handling the agents in the public and commercial media. He personally handled, among others, Sławomir Prząda aka “TEKLA” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] (chief of “Teleexpress” [popular news program] in TVP 1, who provided the WSI with written analysis of the press market in Poland, their capital situation after the liquidation of RSW “Ruch” and the level of foreign investments on the press market in Poland). K. Malejczyk was also interested in the form of the Press Law Act. Here he availed himself of extensive analyses written by “TEKLA”.. When S. Prząda aka “TEKLA” lost his job with TVP, gen. Malejczyk promised to find him a job with “one of the newspapers”.
Another informer of the WSI was Andrzej Ledwoch. he was selected as a candidate for cooperation when he was just a graduate of the Management Faculty of the Warsaw University (UW) and Postgraduate Journalism Studies UW and a student at the Institute of Developing Countries in the Faculty of Geography UW. On October 6, 1989, Maj. Zbigniew Demski (later to become the case officer) decided that the education of A. Ledwoch and the fact that he planned to start a job with Polska Agencja Prasowa soon spoke in favor of the recruitment. After a meeting with the candidate on January 30, 1991, Lt. Col. Zbigniew Demski moved for using the candidate by the Military Intelligence. Since then, A. Ledwoch was known in his operational work as “ALF” [cryptic name for a secret collaborator, undercover officer, etc.] At the time of recruitment, Ledwoch worked in “Trybuna” [Communist daily] and later in “Nowa Europa”, edited by Krzysztof T. Toeplitz, where he joined the parliamentary service team. The collaboration with “ALF” proved promising enough to cause a meeting between “ALF”, his case officer and Lt. Col. Gryza (known as “Grymski”), the chief of HQ Unit of the Military Intelligence. One of the topic was the way the WSI are described “in the Polish daily press”. After such “inspiration”, “ALF” obligated to publish an article based on the materials delivered to him by Lt. Col. Gryza and Lt. Col. Demski in “Nowa Europa”, which were to show [the WSI] in a positive light. During a meeting on September 3, 1992, Ledwoch obligated to prepare a synopsis of two articles: one about the affair in “Łucznik” Company, the other discussing the arms trade issues. After the consultation, those texts were to be published in the press.
The documents preserved the consultation materials related to the preparation of the aforementioned articles. They include “Thesis for article about WSI”, prepared by Cpt. Chymkowski on October 2, 1992; suggestions regarding the presentation of “history of intelligence services” and information about WSI structure, prepared by Rear Adm. (Reserve) Cz. Wawrzyniak.
Next consultations of “ALFA” [or “ALF” - cryptic name for a secret collaborator] (on October 9 and 14, 1992) brought the fruit in form of the preparation and discussion of a text on reorganization of special services. Already in the first sentence we find a suggestion that the reorganization of services is harmful, because it would allegedly cause the intelligence’s involvement in “political games”. We can also find a complete, consulted and printed article “Tajne puzzle” [‘Secret puzzles’], signed by Andrzej Ledwoch and published in “Nowa Europa” [journal] in October 22-23, 1992 in the files.
In recognition of his merits, Andrzej Ledwoch became a secret collaborator released from the obligation to draw his “signature under the cooperation statement”. As early as November 3, 1992, Ledwoch has also been known as “LANED”. Since July 1994, Ledwoch has also worked in the editorial team of “Teraz” magazine, edited by Andrzej Bilik. He belonged to the seven-members' Program Council, which met in the building of “Polskie Nagrania”. There he also worked there after the ownership changes, when the company changed its name to “Super Ekspress”. On May 1, 1995, he left the magazine at his own request. Soon he started working in the editorial team of “Gazeta Bankowa” ['Banking Gazette'], which he assessed as the most prestigious and the best paid Polish weekly.
“LANED” was considerably active in selecting candidates for collaborators. With this purpose he pointed Ms. Maria Kulczycka (his female colleague from “Nowa Europa”), Ms. Dorota Bardzińska (from “Sztandar Młodych” daily), Ms. Maria Graczyk ( a female journalist in “Wprost” weekly) and Mr. Jarosław Sroka from “Gazeta Bankowa”. Since 1996, “LANDED” has worked as the press officer of the president of BGŻ. He continued his selection work there as well as collected information about economic entities. “LANED” documentation contains a mention of the planned remuneration of a tangible gift to the amount of up to 500 thousand old Polish zlotys from the operational funds of ‘Unit IV’ in November 1992.
An example of the active role of the services in the media domain was the matter related to “Przegląd Międzynarodowy” (‘International Revue’), an insert to “Trybuna Śląska”, which was established by the WSI in the mid-90ties. Among those involved in this initiative were Gen. K. Malejczyk and Gen. M. Dukaczewski. One of the persons engaged in the completion of this undertaking was Grzegorz Woźniak aka “CEZAR”, a well-known and experienced journalist who specialized in international issues. On March 3, 1994, Woźniak met with Lt. Col. Jerzy Gajewski and Comdr. S.T. as a candidate for a collaborator known as “CEZAR”. It was decided that Woźniak will operate in the framework of Grupa Wywiadowcza (‘Intelligence Group’) “GROT” (ARROWHEAD), operating under cover as a monthly magazine “Przegląd Międzynarodowy”. The magazine’s editorial office was in Warsaw at Koszykowa Street.
“CEZAR” was accepted by “EUREKA”, the organizer of ‘Grupa Wywiadowcza’ “GROT”, and by the publisher of “Przegląd Międzynarodowy” /’International Revue’/ magazine (and at the same time the editor-in-chief of “Trybuna Śląska”). Woźniak agreed to be the secretary of the editorial team of “Przegląd Międzynarodowy” and its manager in Warsaw, which would suggest a plan to organize a field branch of “Przegląd”. The intelligence reserved the right to all information and to review the articles, including their possible suspension from publication (while observing the author’s right to the fee). “Przegląd” was to order studies from well-known journalists, politicians and experts. One of the arguments in favor of recruitment of Woźniak was his “easy access to the leading politicians, both in Poland and abroad”. The secret collaborator “CEZAR” [cryptic name for secret collaborator] was approved by Comdr. Jerzy Żak (April 11, 1994) and Col. Konstanty Malejczyk. The monthly fees of “CEZAR” amounted to 1200 DEM, and the documentation contains 18 receipts for such an amount, signed with the collaborator’s name.
A interruption in the work of “CEZAR” occurred on April 12, 1995, when he informed his case officer (ppłk Lt. Col. Jerzy Gajewski) about his intention to conduct the TV election campaign of Aleksander Kwaśniewski, candidate for the President of the Republic of Poland (he earlier worked at the SdRP ['Social-democrats of the Polish Republic', in fact: (Post-)Communists] campaign for elections to the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland). The officer decided that the WSI expected “more commitment” from Woźniak, even before the start of the election campaign. As a consequence it was decided to cut his earnings by half. The collaboration of “CEZAR” with the WSI lasted about 9 months. It was, however, assessed critically. As a consequence of such an assessment of “CEZAR”, at the request of his case officer, it was decided to resign from his cooperation. The preserved documentation does not allow to confront those assessments with the documents.
Another collaborator of the WSI was Krzysztof Marcin Krzyszycha. He studied at the Moscow Institute of International Relations [MGiMO], from where he moved after two years to Minsk, where he completed studies at the ‘Radio and TV Journalism’ Faculty. His investigation by the military intelligence started on February 25, 1993, on the basis of direct conservation.
When selected for collaboration with the intelligence, Krzyszycha worked as a journalist in a Lublin-based daily “Ekspress Fakty”. He was selected for collaboration by Lt. Col. Robert Łuczkiewicz. On August 24, 1993, he signed the statement of collaboration with the intelligence, thus obtaining the status of a secret collaborator aka “TERON” [cryptic name for secret collaborator]. In the opinion of an intelligence officer, “working as a journalist, Krzyszycha has the opportunities to collect materials and information”. He may “constitute a (...) source leading to interesting people” and “has possibility to go abroad under cover”. Another important argument was the knowledge of other countries and languages.
From November 2, 1993 to April 30, 1995, Krzyszycha worked as a civil senior expert in Army Unit 3362. Next, from September 1994 to April 1995, we was employed under a contract for a specifically rendered service [in Polish: ‘umowa-zlecenie’] by [Governmental] Stowarzyszenie “Wspólnota Polska” [Association “The Polish Commonwealth”, working for expatriates, Poles living abroad]. His files were kept without due care, thus not stating his status clearly and explicitly, but it is beyond doubt that he was a secret collaborator.
During his intelligence training, Krzyszycha was persuaded to continue his journalist career (among the persuaders there most surely was Col. Marek Dukaczewski). He was also referred to “Kurier Polski”, “under the care” of a journalist Andrzej Nierychło (now the publisher of “Puls Biznesu” ['Pulse of Business']), but Krzyszycha did not show any serious interest in this kind of work. From August to October 31, 1993, he worked in the Warsaw-based company “Public Relations Center”.
In May 1997, Krzyszycha started working in the Office of the Senate of the Republic of Poland, initially as an expert in the Studies and Analyses Section, and later in the Information and Senate Documentation Office. “TERON” established contact with Krakowski Ośrodek Myśli Politycznej /’The Center of Political Thoughts in Cracow’/, which he notified to his case officer.
Krzyszycha’s files contain incomplete expense statements incurred as his fees and the bills paid during meetings in restaurants. In the period from March 8 to July 24, 1993, he was paid over 1.8 million zlotys, out of which 422.2 thousand zlotys was for investigation of various people (including the costs of meals). Other titles for his fees included the preparation of various kinds of studies and translation of foreign texts as well as provision of materials. Two “TERON” receipts were preserved, for the total amount of 650 thousand old Polish zlotys, signed with the collaborator’s name.
During the course, “TERON” was assessed critically: as emotional. Finally, on January 14, 2003, Maj. Ryszard Sztorc ordered to cease any further collaboration.
The WSI focused their activities also on recruiting well-known columnists, who derived from the “Solidarność” opposition and had a direct or indirect impact on Poland’s political life, as they were often hired as consultants: Andrzej Grajewski aka “MUZYK” [cryptic name for secret collaborator, etc.] (journalist, later to become a member of IPN College and deputy editor-in-chief of [the Roman Catholic Church’s weekly] “Gość Niedzielny” /’The Sunday Guest/) and Jerzy Marek Nowakowski aka “FALKOWSKI” [cryptic name for secret collaborator, etc.] (journalist of [weekly]“Wprost”, columnist and a TV commentator, [also former under-secretary of State in Prime Minister J. Buzek’s Chancellery]).
The analysis of archive materials concerning Andrzej Grajewski shows that on September 7, 1992, Col. Z. Jachniak established contact with “MUZYK” [cryptic name for secret collaborator, etc.] at his place of residence. “MUZYK” was given a list of topics the WSI were interested in and the request to collect and information materials and studies. The date of that meeting is not, however, the stating point in “MUZYK” contacts with WSI officers, because from the file content we learn that such meetings – inter alia with the then WSI Chief, Col. Izydorczyk and with the Chief of the WSI’s BSiA [Analytic Bureau] Col. Woźniak, had place before. It is certain that on September 7, 1992, during the meeting with the officer of the Military Intelligence Directorate (ZWW) WSI, “MUZYK” agreed to provide information materials and studies about the situation in Central and Eastern Europe. As the reason for commencement of cooperation, “MUZYK” stated the fact of earlier relations with WSI, supposedly inspired by the deputy minister B. Komorowski. According to the WSI officers’ records, during the next meeting, on December 2, 1992, “MUZYK” was to make an offer of assistance in activities aimed at publication of press articles favorable to WSI as well as commencement of misinformation actions in the press to the WSI representatives (Col. Woźniak, Col. Pągowski and Col. Łączyński). As the important circumstances for the assistance offered to the WSI, he supposedly pointed at the fact that being the liquidator of RSW in past, he had influence upon filling the posts of editor-in-chief in many press titles and for this reason he had the opportunity to influence the selection of subjects of many press publications, among them in [dailies:] “Życie Warszawy” and “Dziennik Zachodni”.. Grajewski denies this relation, maintaining that it is a fake and that his role was limited to that of a consultant. He also questions some of the signatures under the proof of receipt of money, deeming them falsified.
During the next meeting, on December 10, 1992, Grajewski was formally given (due to the fact that next to the tasks of the consultant, he performed also operational tasks) the name “MUZYK” [cryptic name for secret collaborator, etc.], which he used since then to confirm the receipt of money. The main result of that meeting was that Col. Łączyński and Col. Jachniak set the direction of “MUZYK” work to, as it was stressed – “informational and operational matters”. Among the operational tasks assigned to “MUZYK” there was “the selection and suggestions of possible candidates from among the journalists, including those who – like “Muzyk” (‘Musician’) – could conduct informational activities”. Due to the further increase of the operational tasks for “MUZYK”, he was given operational training. In the memo from the meeting with “MUZYK” on January 21, 1993, it was stated: “with respect to unofficial activities, “Muzyk” will select and preliminarily investigate people employed in the center with respect to the purposefulness and opportunity of using them in unofficial activities as well as select candidates for consultants and informers from among the experts co-operating with the center”.. Grajewski questions this information, maintaining that his cooperation was limited to the role of a consultant. The clarification of this matter will be undertaken by the Verification Commission.
Jerzy Marek Nowakowski aka “FALKOWSKI” [cryptic name for secret collaborator, etc.], when working as a consultant of the Military Intelligence WSI, in 2002 reported inter alia his involvement in the activities of right-wing political organizations, including the group headed by Kazimierz M. Ujazdowski (SKL [‘Popular-Conservative Party’]). He named as is political protectors Czesław Bielecki from “Ruch 100” [‘Movement of One Hundred’] and Agnieszka Miszewska, who worked with the Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek. “FALKOWSKI” also reported his activities in PiS [presently co-governing party in Poland, right-to-center ‘Law and Justice’] and the meetings of representatives of PO [presently main opposition party in Poland, ‘liberally-oriented’ ‘Citizen Platform’] and PiS in connection with the local government elections in 2002. He forecast then, that cooperation between PiS and PO would not last long.
In the light of the cited facts, the conduct of the following people meets the disposition contained in Article 70a.1 and 70a.2.2 of the Act on Provisions Implementing the Act on Military Counter-Intelligence Service and Military Intelligence Service and the Act on the service of the officers of Military Counter-Intelligence Service and Military Intelligence Service, dated June 9, 2006: Brig. Gen. Konstanty Malejczyk, Brig. Gen. Marek Dukaczewski, Col. Zdzisław Żyłowski, Col. Ryszard Sosnowski, Col. Mirosław Kosierkiewicz, Col. Ryszard Nieczypor, Col. Z. Jachniak, Col. Woźniak, Col. Pągowski, Col. Łączyński, Lt. Col. Zbigniew Demski, Lt. Col. Jerzy Gajewski, Comdr. Jerzy Żak, Lt. Col. Gryz, Lt.Col. Robert Łuczkiewicz, Maj. Mieczysław Tryliński.
The WSI Chiefs in the described period were: Rear-Adm. Czesław Wawrzyniak, Brig Gen. Bolesław Izydorczyk, Brig Gen. Marek Dukaczewski.
Until 1995, supervision over the activities of the Military Information Services [WSI] on the general terms of responsibility for subordinated Ministry rested with the Minister of National Defense. In the described period, this office was held by: Janusz Onyszkiewicz, Piotr Kołodziejczyk, Zbigniew Okoński.
Article 5.1 of the Act on the Office of the Minister of National Defense, dated December 14, 1995, contained the regulation stating that the Military Information Services are subordinated directly to that Minister. That regulation was specified in a greater detail in § 1.16 of the Ordinance of the Council of Ministers on the Detailed Scope of Competencies of the Minister of National Defense, dated July 9, 1996. This regulation imposed on the Minister of National Defense the obligation to exercise supervision over the activities of the Military Information Services, including in particular their operational actions and investigations. Pursuant to the Military Information Services Act of July 9, 2003, the supervision over the activities of those services rested with the Minister of National Defense who appointed and dismissed the WSI Chief. By virtue of Article 9.1 of this Act, the WSI Chief was subordinated to the Minister of Defense directly. The Ministers of National Defense in the described period were: Stanisław Dobrzański, Bronisław Komorowski i Jerzy Szmajdziński.
The facts cited in this chapter bring doubt as to the legality of conduct of the WSI soldiers; thus, the Verification Commission sent to the Supreme Military Prosecutor’s Office a notification of suspected crime, in compliance with Article 304 § 2 of the Code of Penal Procedure.